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Vấn Nạn Chung Của Các Chế Độ Âu Mỹ

Subject: ***_vấn_nạn_chung_c ủa_các_ch ế_độ_Âu_Mỹ
From: Mike Wilson
Date: Tue, May 31, 2016 10:54 am

1. Nhân dân các nước Âu Mỹ đang chịu sức ép từ nhiều phía :

2. Ngoài sức ép toàn cầu hóa còn có sức ép của di dân vì lí do kinh tế và chiến tranh

3. Toàn cầu hóa, qua khoán ngoại (outsourcing), lấy đi việc làm của dân - và tạo nên các trung tâm sản xuất ngoài Âu Mỹ

4. Di dân từ ngoài vào cũng lấy đi việc làm của dân, mặc dù phần lớn là việc lao động và dịch vụ cấp thấp

5. Cộng thêm vào đó, là căn bệnh kinh niên của tư bản chủ nghĩa, - bòn rút tài sản lên thượng tầng xã hội!

6. Hệ quả là quốc dân nghèo đi, giai cấp trung lưu co cụm, giai cấp nghèo gia tăng, và phúc lợi của nhân dân bị cắt giảm hay gạt bỏ !

7. Trong tương quan giữa hai thế lực tư bản và xã hội, thì phe tư bản đang thắng thế, để lại những hậu quả tiêu cực về mặt xã hội - khoan bàn đến kinh tế và chính trị .

8. Tầm nhìn tổng quan cho thấy, quốc gia nào có chính sách xã hội mạnh và cân bằng với chính sách tư bản, thì đời sống nhân dân tương đối ổn định và ít chênh lệch bất công - như trường hợp các nước : Đan Mạch, Thụy Điển, Phần Lan, Canada nhưng trong các nước Âu Mỹ khác khi thế lực tư bản dồn ép thế lực xã hội thì chênh lệch bất công nhiều hơn - và nhân dân bất mãn hơn

9. Chính sự bất mãn phổ quát này thúc đẩy sự nổi lên của các ứng viên quá khích - hoặc là cực tả (Bernie Sanders), hoặc là cực hữu (Donald Trump)

10. Hiện tượng này cũng cho thấy các đảng truyền thống đã không giải quyết hiệu quả các vấn nạn quốc gia, mà trái lại, còn gây ra chia rẽ, phân hóa, cực đoan và quá khích

11. Đây là bằng chứng rõ nhất, cho thấy đa đảng, theo thể chế dân chủ ngụy Âu Mỹ, đang đi vào ngõ cụt, và không hề thành công như quảng cáo

12. Hiện tượng Donald Trump tại Mỹ cũng tương tự như các hiện tượng cực đoan nổi trội bên châu Âu

13. Tôi gọi Donald Trump là "snake oil con man" (a man who cheats by selling snake oil as a cure-all !), - kẻ lừa bịp bán dầu rắn trị bá bệnh (!)

nth-fl

Trumpism: Made in Europe
https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/trumpism-made-in-europe/2016/05/25/b83fd94a-22a2-11e6-9e7f-57890b612299_story.html

Here�s the irony of Donald Trump�s �America First,� immigrant-bashing, free-trade-averse, make-us-great-again nationalism: It is a European import.

The American right has typically been anti-government, reverent of the Constitution, suspicious of political strongmen and resolute in insisting that �American exceptionalism� makes us different from other nations.

But Trumpism is not an American original. Almost every plank in the candidate�s vaguely defined platform is derivative of the European far right. It is gaining ground on the basis of opposition to immigration, fears of terrorism and crime, economic nationalism, and promises of a government wielding a muscular hand against the forces of disorder.

While one would like to think that the copycat nature of Trump�s ideology will, in the coming months, make it increasingly less attractive to American voters, his rise is no less disturbing for being emblematic of what�s happening across so many democracies.

Trump�s emergence is a symptom of a larger democratic distemper roiling the world�s political parties on the center-right and center-left that have underwritten free government since 1945.

For all their differences, these parties have shared a commitment to institutions that combined liberty with welfare; created a reasonably well-distributed prosperity; respected the power of democratic government to do good but also accepted its limits; and embraced the need for compromise.

The weakness of these parties was brought home dramatically this week in Austria where Norbert Hofer, the candidate of the far-right Freedom Party that has explicit roots in the Nazi past, nearly won the country�s presidency.

Yes, it was good news that Hofer was edged out by Alexander Van der Bellen, who was backed by the Green Party. But Van der Bellen�s margin was unsettlingly small � he won 50.3 percent of the vote to Hofer�s 49.7 percent.

The fact that the alternative to the far right came from the Greens reflected the decline of the two parties dominant in Austrian politics since World War II. The candidates of the center-right People�s Party and the center-left Social Democrats didn�t even make the runoff. Between them, they mustered only 22.4 percent in the first round of voting. Imagine a U.S. election in which Republicans and Democrats were, together, reduced to little more than one-fifth of the total.

The voting patterns in Austria closely resembled those visible on our side of the Atlantic. Polls commissioned by ORF, Austria�s public broadcaster, showed that Hofer (like Trump in the primaries and in the polls) led handily in rural areas, among men and among manual workers. Van der Bellen swamped the right-wing candidate in the big cities and among women, while also leading him among white-collar workers.

Mainstream parties, which can be infected by complacency, certainly bear some responsibility for what�s happening. The defection of working-class voters to the far right is a cross-democracy electoral phenomenon that reflects a serious failure on the part of social democratic and progressive parties whose historical task had been to represent citizens in blue collars.

At the same time, the moderate conservative parties have seen some of their own natural constituents drawn away by rising anti-immigrant feeling � this has hurt German Chancellor Angela Merkel�s Christian Democratic Union � aggravated by Europe�s refugee crisis.

Here again, the Trump analogy holds: Mainstream Republicans winked and nodded toward a hard line on immigration; Trump has embraced it whole with his calls for a border wall and a temporary ban on admitting Muslims to the country.
Thus another cross-Atlantic similarity: Opinions that were once far outside the normal political discourse on immigration and nationalism are now expressed routinely. Katya Adler, the BBC�s Europe editor, captured this trend by pointing to the German word �salonf�hig,� which literally means �passable for your living room,� i.e., socially acceptable.

Trump�s relentless attacks on �political correctness� are intended to break the barriers against what had once been beyond-the-pale sentiments on immigrants and race. His crude approach to campaigning (on Tuesday, he called Hillary Clinton �this low life�) reflects an indifference to norms that reinforces popular contempt for politics and traditional politicians.

Standing up against the new far right should be a shared task across the old political divides in all democracies. But Republican politicians are falling in line one by one behind Trump, choosing to ignore the threat he poses to political decency and his challenge to democratic values themselves.

The United States should not look to the European far right as our model. The land of opportunity and freedom with a long tradition of welcoming newcomers should be leading the resistance to the new authoritarianism.

Read more from E.J. Dionne�s archive, follow him on Twitter or subscribe to his updates on Facebook.

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